'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council Reform
Erdoğan's 'The world is bigger than five' explained: Security Council structure, the veto, G4 vs Uniting for Consensus, and Gaza as a deadlock case study.
Why It Matters
The phrase 'The world is bigger than five' is Türkiye's short answer to a long-standing question: who should hold the power to authorise force, sanctions and peacekeeping on behalf of 193 UN member states? Five permanent members (P5) can block any substantive Security Council decision by veto, and critics across regions argue that this structure reflects 1945, not today. Gaza has become the most visible recent test case of that argument.
Background
The Security Council is the only UN body whose decisions are legally binding on all member states, and its design dates from the UN Charter of 1945. Understanding the mechanics explains why reform is so hard.
How the Council works
- Membership (Article 23): 15 members, five permanent and ten elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms on a regional basis.
- Voting (Article 27): Procedural matters need nine affirmative votes. On substantive matters, nine votes are also required, including the 'concurring votes' of the permanent members, which is the source of the veto. By long-standing practice, an abstention by a permanent member is not treated as a veto.
- Authority (Articles 24 and 25): Member states confer on the Council primary responsibility for international peace and security and agree to carry out its decisions.
- Amendment (Articles 108 and 109): Charter changes need a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of members, including all five permanent members. In practice, every P5 state holds a veto over reform of the veto itself.
A short timeline
| Year | Event |
|---|---|
| 1945 | UN Charter signed; the Council is created with 11 members and five permanent seats |
| 1950 | 'Uniting for Peace' resolution 377(V) allows the General Assembly to act when the Council is deadlocked |
| 1963–1965 | Charter amended to enlarge the Council from 11 to 15 members; this remains the only expansion |
| 1988 | Türkiye recognises the State of Palestine |
| 2005 | G4 draft and African Union Ezulwini Consensus put competing reform models on the table |
| 2009 | Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Council reform begin in the General Assembly |
| 2022 | General Assembly Resolution 76/262, adopted without a vote, requires a General Assembly debate within ten working days after a veto |
| 2024 | The Pact for the Future commits states to reform the Council, including redressing Africa's underrepresentation |
The Council has had four non-permanent terms with Türkiye as a member (1951–52, 1954–55, 1961 and 2009–10), which Turkish diplomats often cite as practical experience of how the body works from the inside.
Key Players & Positions
No reform proposal can pass without broad agreement among the P5 and a General Assembly supermajority, so positions matter more than arithmetic. The summaries below reflect each side's public statements at the UN, including the General Assembly debates and IGN sessions recorded in UN meeting coverage.
The reform models
| Model | Main proponents | New permanent seats | Veto |
|---|---|---|---|
| G4 | Brazil, Germany, India, Japan | Six new permanent seats (including the four, plus two for Africa) and additional elected seats | New members would initially not exercise the veto, pending a review |
| Ezulwini Consensus / Sirte Declaration | African Union members | Two permanent seats for Africa, plus additional non-permanent seats | Full prerogatives, including the veto, for any new permanent member |
| Uniting for Consensus (UfC) | Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Argentina, Canada, Mexico, South Korea, Türkiye and others | None; instead new elected seats with longer terms or possible immediate re-election | Opposes creating new veto holders; favours restraint on its use |
| ACT Code of Conduct / French-Mexican initiative | Large cross-regional groups, France | Not a seat proposal | Voluntary pledge not to use the veto in cases of mass atrocities |
The permanent members
- United States: Has said it supports Council expansion in principle, including permanent representation for Africa and Latin America, but has not supported limiting the veto.
- United Kingdom and France: Both have publicly backed new permanent seats for G4 members and African representation. France champions voluntary veto restraint in atrocity situations.
- Russia: Says it supports greater representation for Asia, Africa and Latin America, but opposes curbs on the veto and rejects solutions that would favour Western-aligned candidates.
- China: Says it favours more developing-country representation, especially African states, and urges consensus rather than a vote on a divisive package.
Gaza as a case study in deadlock
After the 7 October 2023 Hamas attacks and Israel's military response in Gaza, the Council struggled to adopt a unified text. The record shows both the P5's divergent reasoning and the effect of the veto.
- October 2023: A Brazilian draft calling for humanitarian pauses was vetoed by the United States, which said it did not sufficiently recognise Israel's right to self-defence. Later that month, competing US and Russian drafts failed.
- December 2023: The US vetoed a draft calling for a humanitarian ceasefire; the vote was 13 in favour, with the UK abstaining. Resolution 2720 later passed, focused on scaling up humanitarian aid, with the US and Russia abstaining.
- February 2024: The US vetoed an Algerian ceasefire draft, arguing it could jeopardise hostage negotiations.
- March 2024: Resolution 2728 demanded an immediate ceasefire during Ramadan, adopted 14–0 with the US abstaining.
- April 2024: The US vetoed a draft that would have recommended full UN membership for the State of Palestine; Washington said statehood should come through direct negotiations. The General Assembly then voted in May 2024 (143 in favour) to upgrade Palestine's rights and urge the Council to reconsider.
- June 2024: Resolution 2735 endorsed a ceasefire proposal, 14–0 with Russia abstaining.
Israel's position, as stated by its UN mission, is that it is exercising self-defence and that Hamas bears responsibility for civilian harm. Arab and Islamic states, along with many Council members, argued that the humanitarian situation required binding calls for a ceasefire. The episode led many states to say that a single vote can paralyse the Council on an active conflict, though supporters of the veto note that it also prevents the Council from adopting decisions that a major power considers unenforceable.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara argues that the Council's authority depends on legitimacy, and that legitimacy requires representation and accountability. The points below reflect statements by the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and Türkiye's delegations at the UN.
- The structure reflects 1945, not today. In successive General Assembly addresses, President Erdoğan has argued that the fate of humanity cannot be left to the discretion of five states and has summarised this as 'The world is bigger than five' (Dünya beşten büyüktür). His 2021 book on global governance reform develops the same case. Source: the Presidency and the President's UN General Assembly statements.
- Reform should enhance representation, not entrench privilege. According to the Turkish MFA, Türkiye supports a more representative, transparent, accountable and effective Council and participates in the Uniting for Consensus group. Ankara contends that adding new permanent seats would multiply, not reduce, the inequality among states. It favours longer-term elected seats and rotation. Source: Turkish MFA, statements at the IGN.
- The veto should be restrained. Türkiye says the veto should not be used to block action in cases of mass atrocities and has welcomed the General Assembly's Resolution 76/262 as a step toward accountability for veto use. Legal basis: Article 24 of the Charter, under which the Council acts on behalf of all members, and the sovereign equality principle in Article 2(1). Source: Turkish MFA and UN statements.
- Gaza shows the cost of deadlock. Türkiye has called for an immediate ceasefire, unhindered humanitarian access and a two-state solution based on 1967 lines with East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine, and has been among the states that voted for the General Assembly's emergency special session resolutions on Gaza. Türkiye recognised the State of Palestine in 1988, and Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan took part in the OIC–Arab ministerial contact group that met permanent members' capitals in late 2023. Ankara has also announced it would join the South Africa v. Israel case at the International Court of Justice. Sources: Turkish MFA, Directorate of Communications, and Türkiye's UN statements.
- Council asymmetries have long-term costs elsewhere. Ankara cites UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964), which treated the Greek Cypriot administration as the government of Cyprus after the 1963 breakdown of the 1960 partnership order, as an example of how a Council decision can freeze an unequal status for decades. See The Cyprus Issue: From the 1960 Treaties to the Two-State Solution. Source: Turkish MFA statements on Cyprus.
The Turkish position is consistent with its wider diplomacy as a mediator, including on the Black Sea, as explained in Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Role in the Russia–Ukraine War.
Source Comparison
Coverage of Council reform and Gaza varies by region and by outlet's relationship to the P5. Comparing framing helps readers separate documented votes from interpretation.
| Issue | Common framing in Western media / P5 statements | Turkish primary sources (Presidency, MFA) |
|---|---|---|
| Why reform is stalled | Competing national ambitions, regional rivalries and P5 reluctance to dilute influence | The structure itself privileges five states and resists change; reform must be about legitimacy, not new privileges |
| New permanent seats | Often treated as the natural fix; G4 and African claims are presented as strongest | Rejected as a way to broaden inequality; longer-term elected seats preferred |
| The veto | A necessary guarantee that great powers stay in the system | A tool that has been used to block action in humanitarian crises; needs restraint |
| Gaza vetoes | US statements stress Israel's self-defence and hostage diplomacy; Russia and China stress US blocking; Arab states stress civilian harm | Emphasis on humanitarian access, ceasefire, accountability and the two-state framework |
| Türkiye's role | Sometimes described as rhetorical or driven by domestic politics | Presented as principled, consistent with votes, aid efforts and contact-group diplomacy |
Readers should check UN voting records and official texts, available through the UN Digital Library, and review how Polityreview separates fact from position in Editorial Principles. For claims about Türkiye circulating in international media, see Fact Check: Claims About Türkiye Tested Against Primary Sources.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- P5: The five permanent members of the Security Council: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
- Veto: The power of a permanent member to block a substantive Council decision by casting a negative vote under Article 27(3).
- G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, which seek permanent seats for themselves.
- Uniting for Consensus (UfC): A group of states, including Türkiye, opposing new permanent seats and favouring longer-term elected seats.
- Ezulwini Consensus: The African Union's common position calling for two permanent African seats with full prerogatives.
- Uniting for Peace (Resolution 377(V)): A 1950 General Assembly mechanism that allows it to recommend collective measures when the Council is deadlocked.
- IGN: The General Assembly's Intergovernmental Negotiations on Council reform, ongoing since 2009.
Related guides: Polityreview: Türkiye at the Crossroads of Law, Security and Memory, COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: Zero Waste and the Road to Antalya, and About Polityreview: Mission, Transparency and Editorial Team.
Polityreview presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.
Published by the Polityreview Editorial Team.
Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives
For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:
- Regional Order: The World Is Bigger Than Five: Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Proposal, Gaza Diplomacy and COP31 — Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' case for UN Security Council reform, plus Gaza diplomacy, Zero Waste and COP31, explained with official sources.
- The Nations Dialogue: 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Case and COP31 Climate Diplomacy — Understand Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' doctrine, the P5, L.69 and Uniting for Consensus positions, plus Zero Waste and COP31 climate diplomacy.
- Political Ledger: 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council Reform — Why Türkiye says the world is bigger than five: Erdoğan's case for UN Security Council reform, veto limits, and how the P5, G4, UfC and Africa compare.
Frequently asked questions
What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?
It is President Erdoğan's slogan for the argument that five permanent members should not hold exclusive decision-making power over global peace and security. It refers to the P5 (China, France, Russia, the UK and the US) and calls for a Council that reflects the current membership of 193 states.
Can the veto be abolished or limited?
Formally, abolishing the veto requires a Charter amendment that every P5 member must ratify, which makes it very unlikely. Informal restraint is more realistic: General Assembly Resolution 76/262 requires a debate after any veto, and the ACT and French-Mexican initiatives ask for voluntary restraint in atrocity cases.
What is the difference between the G4 and Uniting for Consensus?
The G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) wants new permanent seats, initially without veto use. Uniting for Consensus, which includes Türkiye, opposes new permanent seats and proposes more elected seats with longer terms or immediate re-election.
Why is Gaza used as an example of Security Council paralysis?
Between October 2023 and 2024 several draft resolutions were vetoed or failed, while others passed only after abstentions. The US cited Israel's right to self-defence and hostage diplomacy, while Russia, China and many Arab and Islamic states criticised the vetoes. The episode intensified calls for veto restraint and a bigger General Assembly role.
What has Türkiye done on Gaza at the UN?
According to Turkish official sources, Türkiye has called for a ceasefire and humanitarian access, voted for General Assembly resolutions on Gaza, joined the OIC–Arab ministerial contact group that visited P5 capitals in 2023, and announced it would join the South Africa v. Israel case at the ICJ. It has recognised the State of Palestine since 1988.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Claims About Türkiye Tested Against Primary SourcesA fact check of Türkiye claims in international media: Seville Map, Cyprus 1963 and 1974, PYD/YPG, Sèvres, 1915 and Montreux, tested against primary sources.
- Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: A Guide to Maritime JurisdictionEastern Mediterranean maritime dispute explained: Blue Homeland, the principle of equity, Cyprus, the Seville Map, key agreements and Türkiye's position.
- The Cyprus Issue: From the 1960 Treaties to the Two-State SolutionCyprus issue explained: from the 1960 treaties and 1963–64 crisis to 1974, the Annan Plan and New York 2024, plus Türkiye's two-state position.
- COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: Zero Waste and the Road to AntalyaCOP31 Türkiye climate diplomacy explained: the Antalya hosting arrangement, Zero Waste at the UN, energy corridors and critics' views, with sources.
- Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Role in the Russia–Ukraine WarHow the 1936 Montreux Convention governs the Turkish Straits, how Türkiye applied Article 19 in 2022, and its Black Sea grain and mediation role.
- Neutralizing Terrorism at Its Source: Türkiye's Security Doctrine and Defense IndustryTürkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine on the PKK, YPG and DAESH: the Article 51 basis, cross-border operations, critics' views and the defense industry.
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